The incoming prime minister’s vision suggests that Central Europe could become a new power centre within the EU if political ties with Austria were deepened again, building on shared historical and economic links.
A new Central European bloc taking shape
Péter Magyar, Hungary’s newly elected prime minister, has set out to increase the region’s political weight. His vision foresees a new regional cooperation framework that could strengthen Central Europe’s voice in Brussels, in which Hungary, Austria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and partly Poland would play key roles.
The politician has also proposed aligning the Visegrád Group and the Slavkov format, potentially creating a new integrated cooperation system. Within this structure, the Central European alliance would function not only as a political platform but also as an economic coordination mechanism.
Merging Visegrád and Slavkov
Under the plan, the Visegrád Four (Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia) and the Slavkov Triangle (Austria, the Czech Republic and Slovakia) would be merged into a single framework. This would significantly increase the region’s ability to influence EU decision-making.

According to Magyar, the Central European alliance is not intended as a new imperial structure, but rather as a pragmatic form of cooperation based on shared economic and political interests. The initiative stems from the recognition that individual states have weaker bargaining positions in Brussels when acting alone.
EU funds and economic interests
One of the key drivers of regional cooperation is improved access to EU funding. Hungary is currently seeking the release of around €18 billion in frozen EU support, as well as access to €16 billion in defence loans.
Supporters of the Central European alliance argue that coordinated action could help secure cohesion funds more effectively. The countries in the region are of similar size and share common economic interests, which could provide a strong foundation for the formation of a new bloc, according to Politico reporting.
Austria’s key role and historical parallels
Austria could become a key player in the new cooperation: with over €11.7 billion in investment, it is the second-largest foreign investor in Hungary after Germany. In addition, around 134,000 Hungarians work in Austria.
Political dialogue has been strengthened by meetings between Péter Magyar and the Austrian Chancellor at the Munich Security Conference. The idea of a Central European alliance first emerged there as a concrete political topic, and was received with openness by both sides.
Foreign policy fault lines over Ukraine
While economic interests bind the region together, the issue of Ukraine creates significant divisions. Poland and Austria advocate further support, while Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia take a more restrained position on the EU’s €90 billion loan package.
This divergence could pose a challenge for the Central European alliance, whose unity on geopolitical issues is not yet fully established. However, experts suggest that economic and infrastructure projects continue to provide a strong shared foundation.
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“If these forces prevail, it means saying goodbye to Europe, and then we will once again find ourselves in a situation—under global political conditions—where we are definitively sidelined, where the next generation will no longer have any influence… And this relapse into this nationalist plague must not be allowed to win. That is the message from Budapest.”
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Fischer expressed satisfaction with the recent Hungarian parliamentary election, in which Péter Magyar’s center-right Tisza party emerged victorious. “That made me very happy,” the Green Party politician commented. The election result was important for all of Europe, but also for him personally.
As the son of ethnic Germans from Hungary, the country holds “great emotional significance” for him. He regrets never having learned Hungarian as a “noble language.” “It usually depends on the mothers. They must have had their reasons. I believe the expulsion plays a major role.”
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Fischer suspected that the mother in question had probably never voted for his party. “I don’t believe she did, because she was Catholic, came from Austria-Hungary, so a strict, Counter-Reformation Catholicism,” he explained. “I think she voted CDU all her life.”