Péter Magyar gears up for a new cooperation with Putin

Following his address at the Heroes’ Square rally on 15 March, Péter Magyar, the rising opposition figure, held a press conference where he discussed electoral prospects, Vladimir Putin, and Hungary’s Russian gas purchases. He also addressed the Ukrainian aid that Viktor Orbán is suspected of obstructing.

Neither Putin, nor Zelensky shall threaten Hungarians

According to a Telex summary, Magyar responded to Putin’s recent remark that Russia would continue supplying gas to Hungary (and Slovakia) for as long as these nations stick to their current policies. For Hungary, that implies Orbán’s government will keep blocking financial and other aid to Ukraine, expansions of sanctions against Russia, or restrictions on Russian travel.

Magyar insisted that neither Putin, Zelensky nor Orbán can intimidate Hungarians. He was alluding to Zelensky’s ill-judged recent comment that Ukrainian soldiers would be given Orbán’s address to “have a chat” with him by phone over his EU vetoes—a statement odd in itself, veering from home address to phone number. Government-friendly media have dubbed it an unprecedented, life-threatening menace.

Putin Péter Magyar
Péter Magyar on the 15 March celebration of Tisza. Photo: FB/Péter Magyar
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5 Comments

  1. Reuters reports that Hungarian Prime Minister Orbán is mobilizing online supporters.

    In early March, Orbán launched a “40-day digital challenge,” urging his grassroots supporters to spend at least 10 minutes a day sharing posts and comments on social media. He hopes this will counter the strong online presence of his rival, Peter Magyar of the center-right Tisza party, who is leading in the polls.

    Orbán’s attempt to mobilize online support for his nationalist Fidesz party among its predominantly aging electorate comes after platforms like Meta and Google halted political advertising last October due to new Europe-wide restrictions on such paid ads, which had been Fidesz’s main source of revenue.

    Orbán’s government had dominated the digital sphere for years through multi-million-dollar advertising expenditures, but the EU law has forced Fidesz to rethink its strategy. It requires large technology companies to clearly label political advertising and disclose who paid for it and how much, otherwise they face hefty fines.

    Now the party is relying on the help of “digital warriors,” as its leaders call the grassroots activists who were trained at party events in how to post and comment most effectively on Facebook, as well as on broader “digital citizen circles” of supporters who communicate in online chats.

    Peter Kreko, director of the think tank Political Capital, said, “The carpet-bombing strategy no longer works; they can no longer get their messages onto everyone’s screens with paid advertising.”

    Whether this tactic will pay off remains to be seen.

    Observers say that Magyar’s less formal approach, in which he personally writes posts and comments, has allowed him to successfully reach voters, especially younger ones.

    An analysis by the news site Telex from February revealed that 179 Facebook posts by Magyar, who has 833,000 followers, received 9.6 million reactions, while Orban’s 278 posts garnered 5.2 million reactions, despite having 1.5 million more followers.

    A survey conducted last month by the Median polling institute also found that 67% of those under 30 support the Hungarian party Tisza, while only 8% support Fidesz.

    The rally in Debrecen primarily drew older supporters, some of whom stated they actively share Fidesz content online, while simultaneously emphasizing the value of door-to-door campaigning.

  2. ‘Péter Magyar gears up for a new cooperation with Putin.’

    He has not won the election, so what does this really mean?

  3. ‘A survey conducted last month by the Median polling institute also found that 67% of those under 30 support the Hungarian party Tisza, while only 8% support Fidesz.’

    Given their incredibly inaccurate polling in the 2022 Election, and their wild claims for this cycle, Median is not a credible polling company.

    Another proof of this lack of credibility is not mentioning Mi Hazánk, which has a very good hold on many in the under 30 crowd.

  4. At an event in Budapest on Sunday, Péter Magyar accused Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán of recruiting Russian agents to interfere in the upcoming parliamentary elections.

    “Orbán has invited the most capable Russian agents to our country to influence the elections and once again rob us of our most sacred possession: Hungarian freedom, for which our ancestors gave their lives,” Magyar said.

    “Lies, deception, and intimidation—that’s what they have in store for us. Viktor Orbán has sold Hungarian freedom for 30 pieces of silver, for himself and his dynasty. Shame, shame, shame,” Magyar said.

  5. The NZZ writes that Magyar consistently emphasizes he will end the obstructionist policies in Brussels as well as the collusion with Kremlin leader Vladimir Putin. This could ease tensions not only with the EU but also with Ukraine.

    Russia therefore has a vested interest in Orban remaining in power as its most loyal European ally. The Kremlin is said to have sent a team of three intelligence agents to the embassy in Budapest – tasked with supporting the ruling Fidesz party with a social media campaign designed in Russia.

    Last week, the usually well-informed investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi reported on the plan, citing European intelligence sources. Magyar picked up the story a few days ago, writing on his Facebook page that the team from the Russian military intelligence service GRU had been in Hungary for weeks. He stated that it was unprecedented for a government to attempt to avert an election defeat through foreign interference.

    The opposition leader even compared the situation to the bloody suppression of the 1956 popular uprising. Like the then-communist leader Yános Kádár, Orbán is also bringing Russians into the country. Magyar called on the Prime Minister to immediately end the operation and expel the agents equipped with diplomatic passports. “Russians, go home,” he wrote – the emotionally charged slogan of the failed 1956 revolution.

    Meanwhile, the head of the Tisza party became more specific, stating that the operation was scheduled to begin in the coming days. Fourteen AI-generated videos aimed at defaming a Tisza candidate and his family members had already been produced. They were to be distributed primarily on TikTok via fake accounts.

    On the Russian side, the project is apparently under the supervision of Sergei Kiriyenko, the First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration.

    In the fall of 2025, under his supervision, the new Department for Strategic Partnership and Cooperation was established within the Kremlin administration. This department is responsible for Russia’s soft power in the territory of the former Soviet Union. It also maintains sections for Central and Eastern Europe, the Baltic states, and certain African countries important to the Kremlin.

    The disinformation campaign in Hungary is modeled on Moldova. There, the department attempted to influence the recent elections with the help of Kremlin-linked businesspeople, political advisors, money transfers, and a social media strategy – with limited success. According to the Financial Times (FT), the Russian PR agency Social Design Agency is said to have developed plans for Hungary. This company has been subject to EU sanctions since 2023 and US sanctions since 2024.

    Together with a partner company, the agency is accused of large-scale disinformation activities in Western Europe, including the so-called doppelganger campaign. The websites of established Western media outlets were meticulously replicated but filled with misinformation.

    The campaign planned for Hungary is intended to portray Magyar as a puppet of Brussels and his party as a disparate group of incompetent individuals, according to a draft proposal from the agency seen by the Financial Times. Orban, on the other hand, is depicted as a strong leader with global influence, the only one capable of guaranteeing Hungary’s sovereignty. The content is tailored specifically for the country and is also intended to be disseminated by local influencers. “Direct support from Russia could be counterproductive,” the newspaper quotes from the agency’s proposal.

    Andras Racz, a security and Russia expert at the German Council on Foreign Relations, pointed out that any cooperation with the sanctioned Social Design Agency is prohibited for Hungarian citizens and could also cause them problems abroad.

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