Op-ed: The authoritarian shift – Hungary’s democracy in slow collapse

Hungary’s political trajectory under Viktor Orbán has entered a phase that analysts increasingly compare to the governance models of authoritarian states. Although the formal structure of democracy remains intact, its functioning has gradually hollowed out. Over more than a decade, the ruling Fidesz party has reshaped the country’s institutional landscape in ways that concentrate authority in the hands of a narrow political-business elite. Independent checks have faded, replaced by mechanisms loyal to the government’s long-term grip on power.
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One of the primary engines behind this transformation has been the reconfiguration of Hungary’s media arena. What once resembled a diverse ecosystem has become a tightly coordinated network controlled by actors close to the government. The turning point came in 2018 with the creation of the Central European Press and Media Foundation (KESMA), a behemoth that absorbed hundreds of outlets with a single stroke. Through this centralized structure, narratives can be aligned across the country, ensuring minimal deviation from government messaging and significantly shrinking the space for independent journalism.
The dominance of KESMA today extends far beyond editorial influence. State advertising — an essential revenue stream for many Hungarian media businesses — flows overwhelmingly toward pro-government publications. Independent outlets, already navigating financial instability, are left fighting for survival in an environment engineered to exclude them. This practice has allowed the ruling elite to maintain political control while avoiding direct censorship; the economic pressure alone shapes the media landscape to its preference.
The weakening of accountability is also evident in the country’s economic and administrative systems. High-profile corruption scandals, such as the Elios case involving companies linked to Orbán’s son-in-law István Tiborcz, have exposed how public procurement often benefits individuals with close political ties. Despite repeated calls for transparency from European institutions, investigations into such scandals seldom lead to meaningful consequences. The rapid ascent of billionaire Lőrinc Mészáros — a childhood friend of the prime minister — is frequently cited as a symbol of this environment, where proximity to political power opens doors to vast public and EU-financed contracts.
Concerns in European capitals have escalated as the Hungarian government has introduced legislative changes that critics say echo patterns seen in hybrid or authoritarian regimes. Judicial independence has eroded, anti-corruption bodies lack real authority, and civil society organizations continue to face pressure. The European Commission repeatedly warns that Hungary’s governance trends threaten the foundations of the EU’s rule-of-law system. Despite this, Budapest’s leadership frames such criticism as politically motivated and inconsistent with national sovereignty.
On the diplomatic stage, Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó has emerged as the most visible representative of Hungary’s diverging geopolitical path. His confrontational posture toward EU consensus positions him as one of Moscow’s closest partners within the Union. Since 2014, Szijjártó has held an extraordinary number of meetings with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov — an unmatched frequency among EU officials, particularly after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. These encounters have covered topics such as energy cooperation, investment deals, and sanctions relief, often raising questions about whose interests Hungary is prioritizing.
Szijjártó’s personal lifestyle has further amplified public criticism. Reports have highlighted his regular holidays aboard the yacht of billionaire László Szíj, as well as multimillion-forint property purchases that far exceed the spending power of most Hungarian citizens. A luxury apartment in the capital, a lakeside villa, and plans for an extravagant holiday party costing more than 115 million forints underscore the widening socioeconomic gap within Hungary. These details contrast sharply with the country’s average wages and rising cost-of-living pressures.
Taken together, these patterns signal a deeper strategic shift. Hungary’s leadership increasingly positions itself as a semi-detached member of the European project — participating in EU institutions while frequently undermining collective decisions. Critics warn that this dual approach strengthens authoritarian tendencies and allows external powers, particularly Russia, to exploit divisions inside the EU.
As Europe faces mounting geopolitical challenges, the direction taken by Budapest presents a significant test for the Union’s cohesion. Hungary’s drift toward a model characterized by centralized authority, controlled media, entrenched corruption, and pro-Kremlin diplomacy raises difficult questions about how far democratic backsliding can proceed within an EU member state without triggering decisive action. Analysts caution that if this trajectory continues unchecked, it may inspire similar political patterns elsewhere, reshaping the European political landscape for years to come.
Full article: https://24brussels.online/politics/orbans-hungary-drifts-toward-an-authoritarian-model/
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“Hungary’s democracy in slow collapse.”
It’s in at least as good a shape as Italy or Spain, in better shape than the United States and England, and far better shape than in France or Germany, and a million times in better shape than Romania or Moldova.
The inability of ‘Democracy’ to protect the people who supposedly constitute it’s constituencies has made me wonder in recent years if it, ‘Democracy’, is not one of those things that, though excellent in theory, has a reality something to it’s antithesis.
In reality ‘Democracy’, or at least at this point in history in The West, seems more like a veneer without much substance.
Sorry to think it, because, when I was young, I really did think it existed and was rather fond of it.
Then again, I grew up in The United States, where the media was just as controlled as those medias behind the Iron Curtain, only it was baked so well most of us, unlike Eastern Europeans, had little idea what outrageous lies we were being fed.
Václav Havel:
“Democracy is hard. It requires a struggle for what is right, a battle for truth, and the courage to take responsibility for ourselves and for others.”
Speaking with educated Russians – they explain to me that, in Russia “democracy” means something different than for us in the West. Russian democracy is a mix of order, stability, and voting rituals, but not accountability or ability to change. Call it “controlled democracy”, allowing the Russian establishment (yey – I used the word!) claim popular support, even as dissent and pluralism are limited.
And please do not get me started on China.
Democracy may be imperfect, however it gives the people a voice and an ability to hold correct course, hold those in power accountable and replace them, without violence (unless you have a Jan. 6 or Jan. 8).
The imperfections of democracy should incentivize citizens to stay engaged, hold those in power to account and keep improving – as a society and human race as a whole.
Happy Thanksgiving – and curious what you deem to be the perfect form of government!