PM Péter Magyar has talked about as much as HUF 60 trillion (approximately €169 billion) oligarchs close to previous premier Viktor Orbán could win on public procurements during the 16 years of the Orbán-era through rigged public procurement and dubious dealings. The proposed new authority, however, could reach far beyond financial recovery, potentially dismantling large swathes of Hungary’s political class, in a manner reminiscent of Romania’s anti-corruption drive at its peak in the 2010s.
A “cleansing fire” and a super-authority
The National Office for Asset Recovery and Protection (NVVH), which Magyar intends to establish, would be endowed with unprecedented powers to reshape Hungary’s public and economic life. It would be authorised to inspect bank accounts, assume control of ongoing cases, and even appropriate proceedings from other authorities.
Speaking in Parliament on Monday, the prime minister announced the launch of “Operation Cleansing Fire”, with the creation of the NVVH as its central pillar. According to the government, the body’s remit will include safeguarding the lawful and transparent management of public assets, uncovering financial corruption, asset-stripping, and illicit enrichment.
An explanatory note published on the government’s website claims that, even by conservative estimates, some HUF 60 trillion may have been siphoned off from state resources over the past two decades. This, it argues, is money missing from railway development, hospitals, and education. Critics caution that this figure represents a theoretical maximum, noting that tangible investments were made during this period; moreover, Magyar himself has indicated that investigations will likely focus on the past five years.
How the NVVH would operate
A key feature of the office would be a pre-criminal investigative division tasked with conducting risk analyses. This unit would be empowered to access bank accounts and official registers, and to initiate public asset protection procedures. Where a well-founded suspicion of criminal activity arises, cases could be escalated into full criminal proceedings.
The NVVH would have the authority to initiate criminal prosecutions, civil lawsuits, or refer matters to other bodies. It could also take over ongoing criminal cases and work alongside the police, the tax authority (NAV), and other law enforcement agencies in investigations, seizures, and asset freezes.
Magyar has suggested that the office’s defining characteristic will be its consolidation of functions currently dispersed across several institutions, including the State Audit Office, the Government Control Office, and even the European Public Prosecutor’s Office. “It will see everything,” he remarked.
Companies under scrutiny
The authority would automatically investigate companies deriving at least 75 per cent of their annual turnover from public procurement contracts. Where necessary, it could appoint state supervisors, although the prime minister stressed that this would not amount to expropriation. Investigations would rely on tax authority data, with a retrospective scope of up to five years.
Leadership and safeguards
The NVVH would be headed by four deputy directors. According to Magyar, one—subject to the outcome of a public tender—could be a senior financial investigator from the tax authority, while the remaining three would be prosecutors responsible respectively for investigations, indictments, and appeals.
Strict integrity rules would apply to all senior officials and staff. Plans include granting immunity to the leadership and providing them with round-the-clock police protection.
Public consultation on the draft legislation is already under way, with submissions open until 30 June and a summary expected by 5 July. The government maintains that the new body will act more swiftly and effectively against abuses involving public assets, preventing the disappearance of unlawfully acquired wealth before proceedings conclude.
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Echoes of Romania’s anti-corruption drive
The proposal inevitably invites comparison with Romania’s National Anti-Corruption Directorate (DNA), widely regarded in the 2010s as one of the European Union’s most formidable anti-corruption bodies. Though still operational, its earlier campaigns reshaped Romania’s domestic political landscape.
The DNA is not a general law enforcement agency but a specialised prosecutor’s office with exclusive jurisdiction over medium- and high-level corruption. It oversees investigations, brings indictments, and operates with its own police units and technical staff, wielding powers of asset seizure and surveillance, including wiretapping.
Between 2013 and 2018, it brought charges against much of Romania’s political elite, securing convictions against numerous high-profile figures. Among the most notable cases were Liviu Dragnea, leader of the Social Democratic Party, who received a three-and-a-half-year prison sentence; former prime ministers Victor Ponta and Adrian Năstase; presidential candidate Elena Udrea; and Sorin Oprescu, the former mayor of Bucharest.
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