The European Union’s long-awaited migration pact comes into force on Friday, though—contrary to earlier government messaging—it is not designed to loosen controls or unleash a wave of migrants across member states, including Hungary. Rather, it seeks to streamline the rejection and effective removal of illegal entrants. At the same time, one of Hungary’s neighbours is considering scrapping border checks along its Schengen frontiers, potentially easing traffic flows.
Border checks set to end
Slovenia’s government, led by Janez Janša—once again an ally of Viktor Orbán and backed in various ways by Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party—is weighing the abolition of border checks reintroduced in 2023 along its Hungarian and Croatian borders. The controls were originally imposed in response to rising illegal migration and heightened security risks linked to instability in the Middle East. At the time, several Schengen countries temporarily reinstated internal border controls.
Ljubljana now believes the situation has improved sufficiently to place their removal on the agenda, a move that could significantly ease cross-border travel and reduce journey times. The European Commission has also urged member states to phase out such internal checks. The timing, on the cusp of the summer holiday season, will be welcomed by travellers heading to Slovenia’s coastal towns, Italian cities or the Alps.
Migration pact takes effect
In parallel, the EU’s migration pact—aimed at overhauling the bloc’s common asylum system—enters into force this Friday. The framework introduces faster border procedures, more uniform asylum processes and a so-called “mandatory solidarity” mechanism.
Under this system, member states are expected to assist those countries under the greatest pressure in registering, processing and, where necessary, returning migrants. They may do so in several ways. Contrary to earlier government claims, states are not obliged to accept asylum seekers, though that remains an option. Alternatively, they may contribute €20,000 per applicant to the member state handling the case, or provide technical assistance such as police personnel, equipment, medical teams or vessels.
Previous Orbán administrations rejected all three options. By contrast, Péter Magyar’s political camp has so far favoured the third approach, alongside countries such as Romania and Bulgaria. Magyar has repeatedly insisted that illegal migration will not be permitted under his leadership.
This reality sits uneasily with earlier warnings from Fidesz that a Magyar-led government would open the floodgates to mass migration. Nevertheless, the issue cannot be ignored. Hungary has been fined €1 million per day for failing to process asylum claims in line with EU rules, having effectively refused to register applicants at its borders.
What changes from Friday
The new regulation is binding, and failure to comply could trigger further serious sanctions, according to Válasz Online. However, a shift towards compliance is expected, not least because Magyar’s camp aims to unlock EU funding and pursue broader cooperation with Brussels.
Under the new system, migrants arriving at Hungary’s borders must be registered there, their applications assessed on the spot and decisions delivered far more swiftly than under current procedures, which can drag on for years. The EU’s target is a 12-week turnaround, though Hungary has yet to take concrete steps towards implementation. Orbán-close Origó suggests an 8,000-capacity migrant facility may be required—intended both to prevent unauthorised entry into the EU and to process claims efficiently.
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No preparations, legal risks loom
With no meaningful preparations in place, the system is unlikely to be operational by Friday. According to Válasz Online, this would once again leave Hungary in breach of EU rules—though not necessarily due to the incoming government. The overarching aim of the legislation is to ensure that those without a right to remain are swiftly returned to their country of origin, while the small number deemed eligible for protection can begin rebuilding their lives—most likely outside Hungary.
The incoming Tisza-led administration, according to the party’s Speaker of Parliament, intends to focus on public education, given that compliance with EU asylum rules remains politically sensitive in a society conditioned by years of anti-migration rhetoric. The contradictions are stark: from June 12, migrants whose applications are not even registered by Hungarian authorities will be able to bring legal action. Given the primacy of EU law over national legislation, such cases would almost certainly succeed.
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