In his first major interview with a foreign publication since winning the election, Péter Magyar insisted that his Tisza Party government will not repeat the mistakes of Viktor Orbán and Fidesz, arguing that the political movement he built is fundamentally different from the ruling system it replaced.
Speaking to The New Yorker during a visit to Italy last week, Magyar said: “We don’t want to build a power machine,” according to the magazine’s preview of the interview. The conversation took place shortly before his inauguration as Hungary’s new prime minister.
Magyar travelled to Italy partly to meet Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and also to attend the premiere of the documentary film Tavaszi szél at the Riviera International Film Festival in Sestri Levante.
“Hungary today is a free country”
During the interview, Magyar claimed that the “Orbán system” had effectively collapsed, partly because the government’s propaganda network had lost its grip on public information.
“I believe Hungary today is a free country,” Magyar said, adding that state institutions, including the police and prosecution services, are now able to operate freely.
At the same time, the new prime minister acknowledged that the honeymoon period following the election victory would not last forever.
“The dance is only beginning now,” he said, referring to the challenge of governing after campaigning.
Magyar admitted he expects both his personal popularity and support for the Tisza Party to decline over time, describing that as a normal process in democratic politics.
Why Magyar says Tisza cannot become another Fidesz
One of the central questions raised by the American magazine was what guarantees Hungary would not simply replace one dominant political system with another.
Magyar argued that the Tisza Party’s structure itself prevents that outcome.
“The Tisza is completely different from Fidesz,” he said.
According to Magyar, the movement’s support base includes left-wing, right-wing and radical green voters, creating a politically heterogeneous coalition that would make centralised control far more difficult. He also stressed that the party has no oligarchic business circle behind it and no propaganda apparatus comparable to the one that supported Fidesz during its years in power.
Without those elements, Magyar argued, it would be impossible to recreate the same type of political system even if the party wanted to — which, he added, it does not.
Fragile supermajority and internal checks
Although the Tisza Party secured an overwhelming parliamentary majority with 141 seats in the 199-member National Assembly, Magyar described the coalition as “fragile” because of its ideological diversity.
He told the magazine that his MPs come from vastly different political and social backgrounds, ranging from rural conservatives to left-leaning urban voters from Budapest. Because of this, compromises would be unavoidable before major decisions are made.
Magyar also highlighted the role of the party’s so-called “Tisza Islands” grassroots communities, which he said would function as a direct democratic connection between politicians and voters.
“If people do not like the direction, they can say: stop, this is not the film or tour we bought tickets for,” he explained.
Two-term limit planned for future prime ministers
The new government plans to begin its work by rewriting Hungary’s constitution. Among the proposed changes is a strict two-term limit for future prime ministers.
Magyar argued that legal safeguards alone cannot protect democracy if political leaders lack self-restraint.
According to him, the real issue behind Hungary’s democratic decline over the past 16 years was not the constitution itself, but “power, the prime minister, and the mafia”.
He also revealed that his office maintains a 63-point internal ethical checklist designed to help him avoid abuses of power.
“If I ever feel that I am no longer here to serve the country, I will resign immediately,” Magyar said.
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“I would happily give this power to someone better”
In one of the interview’s most personal moments, Magyar claimed he has no desire to hold power for its own sake.
“I would more than happily hand this power over to anyone who could serve the country better than me,” he said, adding that he would gladly return to spending time with his children and watching their football matches.
Asked whether the Hungarian opposition’s success could serve as a model for countries such as the United States under President Donald Trump, Magyar avoided offering direct advice.
He said political change ultimately depends on voters themselves rather than any secret political formula.
“There is no real secret behind the scenes,” Magyar said. “You just have to work, be honest, meet people personally, and look them in the eye.”
