A small group of senior Tisza figures reportedly challenged Péter Magyar’s leadership style and campaign strategy just five months before the 2026 election, with some fearing the conflict could derail the party’s campaign.
A confrontation inside Tisza
According to an investigation by Hungarian news outlet 444, a small group of Tisza figures confronted then-opposition leader Péter Magyar and campaign chief Péter Tóth in November 2025 over the party’s campaign strategy and Magyar’s leadership style.
The group reportedly objected to what they considered an increasingly centralised and authoritarian approach to running the party. They also believed the campaign strategy was flawed and felt their opinions were being ignored.
The meeting took place roughly 150 days before the election, according to people familiar with the events who spoke to 444 on condition of anonymity.
Among those associated with the critical group were Márk Radnai, Ervin Nagy, Kriszta Bódis, Tamás Tóth, Romulusz Ruszin-Szendi, Ágnes Forsthoffer, event organiser Miklós Zelcsényi and businessman Henrik Hanzel.
Dispute over Tisza’s campaign strategy
The tensions reportedly centred partly on a roughly 120-page campaign strategy prepared by Péter Tóth and a small team in October 2025. The document was reportedly produced in strict secrecy, with only one copy printed and fewer than ten members of the party’s leadership given access to it.
Tóth wanted to create a disciplined, highly centralised and fast-moving organisation for the most intense phase of the election campaign. The party’s internal structures were reorganised accordingly, including arrangements designed to give the central campaign team greater control over individual candidates.
Some Tisza figures reportedly felt uncomfortable with this approach and considered Tóth’s growing influence within the party disproportionate.
They also objected to Magyar’s leadership style, which sources described as dominant and strict. However, people close to Magyar also argued that these characteristics had helped him and the organisation withstand the enormous pressure of the election campaign.
‘It could have destroyed the whole community’
The November meeting reportedly left both Magyar and Tóth deeply affected. According to 444, three sources claimed that Magyar became uncertain about whether he should continue his political career after the confrontation and had to be persuaded that night to carry on.
There were also fears that the dispute could become public and provide ammunition for Fidesz during the election campaign.
One source reportedly described the situation in stark terms, saying that if the story had “exploded”, it could have damaged both the political community and the election campaign. The group’s critics, however, rejected the suggestion that they had been attempting a coup against Magyar.
One source from the critical camp said they believed the party was heading in the wrong direction and felt they could not remain silent. They reportedly offered to prepare an alternative campaign strategy and suggested that an independent group of experts could decide which of the two approaches should be adopted.
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Tisza leadership backs Tóth
The day after the confrontation, Tisza held an internal meeting attended by around 50–80 people. Magyar reportedly gave his full backing to campaign chief Péter Tóth, while the overwhelming majority of those present sided with the party leadership.
Miklós Zelcsényi, one of the figures associated with the critical group, reportedly clashed with Magyar during the meeting before leaving and subsequently stepping back from party work. Radnai also attended the meeting and later spoke privately with Magyar.
Although the confrontation did not turn into a public political crisis at the time, 444 reports that the disagreement was not simply forgotten. Some people involved reportedly continued to regard it as a serious breach of trust.
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Magyar says he still fully trusts Radnai
Magyar was asked about the 444 investigation during his Monday morning interview on Kossuth Radio. The prime minister rejected the idea that the dispute had permanently damaged relations within Tisza and explicitly expressed his continued confidence in Márk Radnai.
“I have complete trust in Márk Radnai,” Magyar said.
He described Tisza as an “entirely unprecedented” political community that had been built up within weeks and months. According to Magyar, disagreements are natural in a new political movement bringing together people from many different backgrounds.
“We discussed these conflicts,” he said, arguing that Tisza does not operate according to a system in which one leader makes a decision and anyone who disagrees is simply expelled.
“The trust in everyone who is in our community today remains unbroken,” Magyar added.
Some former critics now hold senior positions
The 444 investigation also examined what happened to members of the group after Tisza came to power following the April 2026 election. The outlet said it could not establish that those involved in the dispute were systematically excluded from senior government or political positions.
For example, Ágnes Forsthoffer is now House Speaker, while Romulusz Ruszin-Szendi became a minister.
At the same time, several figures who supported Magyar and Tóth during the November confrontation now occupy influential positions in the government and parliamentary group. Gábor Pósfai became interior minister, Márton Melléthei-Barna became deputy parliamentary group leader, and Andrea Bujdosó became parliamentary group leader.
444 contacted Magyar, Radnai, Tóth, Zelcsényi and Hanzel for comment. None agreed to speak to the outlet. Nagy, Bódis, Tamás Tóth, Ruszin-Szendi and Forsthoffer did not respond to the newspaper’s requests.
