Magyar unveils Tisza blueprint: 16 ministries, purge of “bones in the closet” – and a bid to freeze EU penalties

At a press conference on Monday, Péter Magyar, leader of the Tisza Party, sketched the basic architecture of Hungary’s next government, outlining a leaner cabinet structure, a planned overhaul of public institutions, and a tougher line on corruption and oligarchic power. The event also offered a glimpse of how the incoming Tisza‑dominated parliament intends to reshape law‑making, media and local politics.

New government structure and ministries

Magyar announced the names of the planned ministries without yet naming all 16 ministers (only naming 7), listing portfolios such as the interior ministry, justice, transport and investments, education, social affairs, the chancellery, regional development, culture, and digital and technological affairs. He said the Tisza‑led government will rely on specialised sectoral ministries rather than bulky “super‑ministries”, so that each major policy area has a clear owner.

The prospective culture ministry will bundle several distinct areas, including science, sport, civil organisations, media regulation and religious affairs. The parliamentary structure will also change, with 20 specialised committees in the National Assembly, whose exact composition will be negotiated with other parties that have entered parliament.

Parliament, women and political culture

Andrea Bujdosó, the designated Tisza parliamentary group leader, stressed that 44 women will sit in the 141‑member Tisza caucus, more than in any previous parliament, describing this as a historic achievement. Ágnes Forsthoffer, the party’s nominee for speaker of the National Assembly, said a “new political culture” is about to emerge, with public trust restored starting from parliament itself.

Forsthoffer signalled that she would like to move away from the strict disciplinary penalties introduced by outgoing Speaker Kövér László, while Bujdosó acknowledged that debates and disagreements are inevitable in such a large, diverse group. She said the caucus will still be able to formulate common positions that every member can support “with a clear conscience”.

Voting, legitimacy and accountability

Péter Tóth, the outgoing campaign manager returning to civil society, used maps and charts to argue that the nationwide “country tours” boosted the Tisza vote and that thousands of volunteer “watchers” helped track election irregularities. Magyar reiterated the party’s claim that the Fidesz won in Vas County’s second constituency (centred on Sárvár) by fraud, and therefore the Tisza‑led opposition will not recognise the Fidesz‑victor Péter Ágh as a legitimate MP.

However, Tisza will not file formal legal challenges that could delay the government‑formation process. Magyar also gave NER‑appointed (Nemzeti Együttműködés Rendszere, System of National Cooperation) office‑holders and public officials a deadline of 31 May to step down; after that, his government plans to start using legal tools to remove them. He specifically named the president, the heads of the Constitutional Court and the Curia, and later added the head of the National Authority for Data Protection and Freedom of Information (NAIH), Attila Péterfalvi.

Crackdown on corruption and transparency drives

Magyar ordered all ministry staff not to allow documents to be shredded, warning that “many skeletons will fall out” of Viktor Orbán’s cabinets, “perhaps entire cemeteries from their closets.” The incoming administration intends to publish files related to pardon cases and the spy archives of the Kádár era.

He said ministers will have broad discretion over whom they work with, but added that “no one has anything to fear, only those who broke the law.” He also told mayors who promoted Fidesz propaganda that they should resign. Tisza will not tolerate corruption or luxury lifestyles within its own parliamentary group, saying that any MP found guilty of either will be expelled from the faction.

Media, KESMA and the public broadcaster

On media policy, Magyar described the KESMA media group as one of the “monsters” whose operation must be reviewed and, if necessary, intervened in, in order to restore pluralistic regional media. Asked about the public broadcaster, he said individuals who ask “dumb questions” are not in danger, but insisted the organisation cannot function that way.

The Tisza‑led government also plans to create a National Authority for Asset Recovery and Protection, which is to be set up as quickly as possible. Paks II will be neither abandoned nor rubber‑stamped; instead, it will be scrutinised and completed without leaving “bones and wrecks” behind.

Taxes on the wealthy and use of EU funds

Magyar insisted that a wealth tax on millionaires will go ahead, dismissing critics with a “c’est la vie” message. He also pledged to reduce parliamentary allowances and cut spending on MPs’ offices.

Economically, the new government aims to produce a “real‑based” budget, bring EU funds “back home” and sign a political agreement with the European Commission on the matter between 15 and 20 May. Magyar claimed his team will achieve in three months what the Orbán governments failed to do in three years. He also wants to secure a suspension of EU fines related to the migration‑quota dispute.

Foreign policy, ICC and security issues

Responding to criticism over his reported invitation to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for the 70th anniversary of the 1956 revolution, Magyar said he invited all heads of state and that Hungary does not need to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC), where Netanyahu is wanted. If a wanted person steps onto Hungarian territory, he argued, they must be placed in custody under existing obligations.

Magyar said he will travel to Warsaw on 20 May and then to Vienna, as previously planned. He will meet Slovakia’s Prime Minister Robert Fico and Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy shortly after taking the oath as prime minister. He sharply urged Ukraine to reopen the “Friendship” oil pipeline, if technically feasible, in exchange for Hungary dropping its veto on a 90‑billion‑euro EU loan to Ukraine.

War‑related emergency and “night‑time legislation”

Magyar asked the outgoing Orbán government to extend the state‑of‑emergency framework until 31 May so that his incoming cabinet can review 160 pieces of legislation adopted under that emergency regime. After that, his government plans to end the extraordinary legal order and halt the practice of “night‑time legislation” – laws pushed through with minimal debate or transparency. This move is framed as central to restoring the rule of law and public confidence in the legislative process.

If you missed it: Tisza press conference: Péter Magyar names first seven ministers