The Fidesz asset recovery scandal is revealing a potential weakness in Viktor Orbán’s defence of decisions made before his party lost power. The former Hungarian prime minister continues to insist that public funds distributed under the Fidesz government were allocated legally and that the investigation into HUF 17 billion – approximately EUR 47.2 million – in cultural grants is a political attack. However, new polling indicates that even a significant minority of Fidesz supporters approve of the new government’s plan to establish an asset recovery office.
According to a Publicus Institute survey published by Népszava, 78 per cent of respondents support the creation of the National Asset Recovery and Protection Office. Approval is almost universal among supporters of the governing Tisza party, but the proposal is also backed by 29 per cent of Fidesz voters.
That figure does not show that nearly one-third of Fidesz supporters believe Orbán or other former officials committed crimes. It does, however, suggest that Orbán’s description of asset recovery and corruption investigations as little more than political revenge is not being accepted automatically across his own political camp.
As we wrote yesterday, Fidesz support falls below 20% for the first time in 30 years, PM Magyar said.
Orbán focuses his NKA defence on the investigation
Orbán’s latest intervention came after investigators seized servers and databases used by Fidesz in connection with the National Cultural Fund, or NKA, investigation.
“The NKA case is a fabricated proceeding,” Orbán wrote in a Facebook post, claiming that its purpose was to make Fidesz unable to operate. He alleged that prosecutors had removed the party’s complete membership register, correspondence system and confidential personal information on political instructions.
At a press conference outside Fidesz headquarters, Orbán said the seized servers contained much of the party’s digital infrastructure, including membership and donation records. János Bóka, the party’s parliamentary group leader, said Fidesz was considering filing a criminal complaint over the authorities’ actions, according to Népszava’s report on the press conference.
Questions about whether the seizure was necessary and proportionate are legitimate. Party membership records and private correspondence contain sensitive information, and the authorities will need to explain why such extensive access was required.
However, concerns about the investigative procedure do not answer the separate question at the heart of the case: whether the NKA grants were awarded lawfully.
What prosecutors allege in the Fidesz asset recovery scandal
The Bács-Kiskun County Chief Prosecutor’s Office said there was reasonable suspicion that an NKA decision-making body had exceeded its authority and breached legal rules and internal regulations when approving 1,079 grants worth more than HUF 17 billion from December 2024 onwards.
Six people involved in assessing the applications were detained and questioned on suspicion of aggravated breach of trust. These are allegations, and no court has established the criminal responsibility of the officials or the recipients.
The case became politically explosive after it emerged that some beneficiaries were performers and organisations associated with Fidesz, including figures who supported the party’s election campaign.
By 29 June, recipients had returned HUF 2.38 billion, or approximately EUR 6.6 million, according to information obtained by 24.hu. Returning a grant does not itself prove that it was obtained or awarded unlawfully: some recipients reportedly cited cancelled programmes or concerns about reputational damage. Nevertheless, the repayments have increased pressure for a detailed examination of the original decisions.
The dispute is broader than one cultural fund
The NKA investigation is unfolding against the backdrop of wider post-election scrutiny of contracts, concessions and subsidies awarded during the Orbán governments.
In a separate case, the new government reported suspected misuse involving more than HUF 100 billion – around EUR 278 million – spent on educational software contracts to the police. That investigation is unrelated to the NKA grants, and the existence of a police report does not establish wrongdoing.
Orbán’s political strategy is to connect these cases into a single narrative: the Tisza government and the authorities are attempting to weaken or dismantle the largest opposition party. This allows him to shift attention from individual funding decisions to the methods and motives of investigators.
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Why the Publicus findings matter
The proposed National Asset Recovery and Protection Office would be tasked with identifying public-asset losses, unlawful enrichment and suspected corruption, while helping initiate proceedings to recover state property. The government says its purpose is to protect lawful and transparent management of public funds, according to the official consultation documents.
Public support alone does not guarantee that such an authority will operate independently. Its credibility will depend on transparent procedures, judicial oversight and equal treatment of government and opposition figures.
The Publicus survey, conducted among approximately 1,000 respondents between 16 and 21 July, was representative by age, education, gender, settlement type and region. As a single opinion poll, it should not be treated as a definitive measure of public judgement in the NKA case.
Its political message is nevertheless difficult for Orbán to ignore. His criticism of the seizure of Fidesz data may resonate with supporters concerned about due process. Yet when 29 per cent of Fidesz voters still welcome an institution designed to investigate and recover potentially misused public wealth, portraying every inquiry as political persecution may no longer be enough.
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