The possible Judit Polgár presidential nomination has triggered sharply differing reactions across Hungary’s political and public life, even before the world-famous chess grandmaster has publicly accepted the offer. While prominent scientists, artists and athletes have presented Polgár as a figure capable of uniting the country, Fidesz politicians and several opposition-linked commentators have questioned either the legitimacy of the process or her suitability for the constitutional role.
Most of the criticism so far has focused not on Polgár’s achievements or character, but on the circumstances in which Hungary’s next head of state is to be selected.
How Judit Polgár’s name entered the presidential race
Sixteen prominent Hungarian public figures sent a letter to Speaker of Parliament Ágnes Forsthoffer proposing that Polgár be asked to serve as president. The signatories included inventor Ernő Rubik, astronaut Tibor Kapu, mathematician László Lovász, network scientist Albert-László Barabási, television personality András Kepes, and actors János Kulka and Pál Mácsai.
They argued that Hungary needed a president capable of embodying national unity, national pride, exemplary conduct and service to the country during what they described as a historic period.
As we wrote before, Prime Minister Péter Magyar subsequently announced that he would meet Polgár on Monday and ask whether she was prepared to serve until Hungary adopts a new constitution. Magyar described her as an internationally respected Hungarian whose reputation was based on talent, perseverance, integrity and achievement rather than party-political connections.
At the time of writing, Polgár had not publicly confirmed whether she would accept the proposed nomination.
Fidesz attacks the process behind the Judit Polgár presidential nomination
Fidesz responded through its communications director, Bertalan Havasi, who said the identity of the next president was “completely irrelevant” under the current political circumstances.
The former governing party claimed that Tamás Sulyok had been forcibly removed and that constitutional democracy was no longer functioning in Hungary. It described the consultation and nomination process as “smokescreen, theatre and puppetry”, while avoiding direct criticism of Polgár herself.
Balázs Orbán, former political director to ex-prime minister Viktor Orbán, separately argued that Polgár’s election would be constitutionally defective. He claimed that decisions taken by the new president could later be declared invalid or reversed.
However, he did not explain which part of the presidential election procedure would be unlawful. Under the rules currently in force, parliament may elect a new president after the previous office-holder’s mandate ends.
The opposition Fidesz party has often argued against Sulyok’s recall by claiming that he symbolizes national unity, but this is clearly not true, since Sulyok is one of the most divisive figures in Hungarian public life and the least popular politician—even former PM Viktor Orbán is more popular than he is.
It is also an interesting twist that, while Fidesz has elected presidents closely tied to the party—several of whom, for example, were members of the Fidesz executive committee—Tisza would like to appoint someoneabove party politics.
As we wrote earlier, Orbán said, Hungary’s new president is ‘illegitimate’, refuses to recognise decisions
Also former PM Orbán is under fire after declaring Hungarian democracy dead, then flying to the World Cup
Márki-Zay calls for a directly elected president
Péter Márki-Zay, the opposition’s joint prime-ministerial candidate in 2022, acknowledged Polgár’s exceptional achievements but questioned whether she could act as an effective institutional counterweight.
He argued that without direct presidential elections, any head of state risked becoming a “puppet” of the parliamentary majority. Márki-Zay also said he had not previously heard Polgár publicly criticise controversial actions by the former Orbán government, making it difficult to judge how she would supervise the democratic functioning of the state.
He added that choosing the president directly would provide stronger guarantees of independence from both the government and parliament.
The Ügyvédkör association of lawyers offered an alternative candidate, former justice minister Péter Bárándy. The organisation argued that legal expertise, constitutional awareness and a demonstrated commitment to judicial independence were particularly important during a period of institutional reconstruction.
Political analyst sees both strength and risk
Political analyst Gábor Török said the proposed Judit Polgár presidential nomination was the first major announcement by Magyar to divide parts of his own political camp.
According to Török, Polgár’s greatest advantage is that she comes from outside party politics and cannot easily be described as the representative of a political faction. Yet the same outsider status could also become her greatest weakness.
With no political career or widely known positions on constitutional issues, Polgár would have to demonstrate that she could protect democratic institutions and act as a genuine check on the parliamentary majority, Török argued.
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Why Hungary’s presidential choice matters
Hungary’s president is elected by parliament and has a largely ceremonial role, but the head of state also has constitutional responsibilities, including representing national unity and reviewing legislation before it enters into force.
Sulyok’s mandate ended on 20 July after he signed the seventeenth amendment to Hungary’s Fundamental Law. Speaker Ágnes Forsthoffer temporarily assumed presidential duties, while parliament has 30 days to elect a successor. The new president would serve until a planned new constitution takes effect, or for a maximum of five years.
The controversy shows that the first potential candidate has already been drawn into Hungary’s partisan divisions. Polgár’s response to the offer will determine whether the debate develops into a formal presidential contest or remains an intense but short-lived political opening.
As we wrote earlier, figures revealed, here is how much taxpayer money was spent on President Sulyok’s trips abroad
UPDATE: Polgár rejects Magyar’s offer
BREAKING! Judit Polgár rejects Péter Magyar’s offer to become Hungary’s president
So, a handful of high-profile personalities, whom nobody elected to anything, state they’d like another such personality be appointed to one of the highest political offices in the country. And that duly happens.
But hey, that’s a-okay because “OrBAn bAd”!
Highest political office in Hungary, Steiner, you proof more and more that you understand in politics as much as i understand in brain surgery. 🤣🤣🤣
Shut the heck up and do something useful
Didn’t you hear that Uber bought Foodora and they are searching for delivery guys? move your butt🤣🤣
The question is whether you want power split between a democratically elected parliament and a single person democratically elected with the position of “President”. Once you do that you run the risk of political deadlock and the business of running the country is more difficult particularly if the president is from a party opposed to the one in office in parliament. The Polish example is proof of that. If you elect a president it gives that person the political legitimacy to act independently of parliament to a greater extent. If a president is elected by parliament and can be changed by parliament the president knows that opposing the will of parliament can lead to removal if it goes to far. That person then becomes more of a ceremonial figure but still must make occasional politically important decisions such as whether to dissolve parliament and for example call an early election in the event of a successful no-confidence vote in parliament. These questions are somewhat new to Hungary because you had one party in control of everything for 16 years. It was never a question that the president and the party in control of parliament were from two different parties as temporarily existed after the April 12 th election. When Fidesz took over in 2010 by chance the five year presidential term expired the same year and Fidesz Pal Schmidt was installed in August 2010. Prior to Schmidt you had Laszlo Solyom and Ferenc Madl who were both independents.