Is conscription returning to Europe? What it means for the EU and Hungary

European governments are struggling with security concerns and personnel shortages, while Ukraine’s experience shows both the necessity and social limitations of conscription. The issue of compulsory military service deeply divides European societies.

The Ukrainian experience

The full-scale Russian invasion has fundamentally changed Ukrainian society—primarily its attitude toward the army, military service, and the very concept of mobilization.

Before 2022, debates about the armed forces focused largely on reforms, NATO standardization, and the gradual transition to a professional army. After the Russian attack, however, military service ceased to be an abstract political debate and became a matter of the state’s physical survival.

In the early stages of the full-scale invasion, Ukraine’s resistance relied heavily on an unprecedented wave of voluntary mobilization, with thousands of people joining the Ukrainian armed forces and territorial defense units without any previous combat experience. However, as the fourth anniversary of the full-scale invasion approaches, public opinion has changed noticeably: today, more and more Ukrainians are trying to avoid military service and mobilization.

President Volodymyr Zelensky has acknowledged the shortage of personnel in the armed forces. In his view, expanding mobilization is “a difficult issue for the state, the army, society, and Ukraine’s partners.” Zelensky explained that the current mobilization system operates on the basis of decisions made by the military command, which has determined that approximately 30,000 people need to be drafted each month. “This is a difficult question,” the president said. “People in society have to work and pay taxes, and then these resources go to the army. A balance must be found.”

Ukraine’s experience shows that even voluntary mobilization during wartime has clear limitations. The legal framework alone is not enough — motivation, quality training, and long-term social support for those who serve are just as important. At the same time, Ukraine continues to debate whether the age limit for mobilization should be lowered from 25 to 18, as US officials and NATO representatives urge Kyiv to lower the age limit, citing the urgent need for manpower on the front lines.

Technology and human resources

The war in Ukraine has also demonstrated that technology can partially compensate for the shortage of personnel on the battlefield. FPV drones and robotic ground platforms are increasingly being used to perform tasks that previously required large numbers of soldiers. Oleksandr Syrskyi, commander-in-chief of the Ukrainian armed forces, described 2025 as a “breakthrough year” for the development of unmanned systems.

However, Ukrainian military officials emphasize that technology cannot completely replace ground troops. An analysis published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies highlights the main reasons: the complexity of combat tasks and the need for quick judgment and decision-making in unpredictable circumstances.

For European countries considering reinstating conscription or introducing extended voluntary service, Ukraine’s experience offers a clear lesson:

even technologies that dramatically increase combat effectiveness cannot eliminate the challenges of motivation, rotation, and the psychological resilience of military personnel.

Germany: Voluntary military service returns

Germany was the first country to pass a law introducing voluntary military service. Starting in 2026, approximately 680,000 German citizens born in 2008 or later will receive a questionnaire asking whether they are willing to perform military service. Men born on or after January 1, 2008, are required to complete the questionnaire, although the service itself remains voluntary. However, if recruitment targets are not met, Parliament may decide to reactivate compulsory military service and introduce a lottery system.

On the day the law on voluntary service was passed, thousands of young people took to the streets in at least 90 German cities to protest against what they called a new form of conscription. The resistance of young people was already evident before the law was passed. According to Michael Schulze von Glaßer, director of the German Peace Movement, visits to the organization’s website, which provides information on refusing military service, have increased month by month. “In May, the site registered 24,000 visits, and in the first ten days of September alone, 65,000. We receive many requests from young people, but also from parents who are concerned about their children.”

France and Italy

The situation is very different in France. President Emmanuel Macron has announced the launch of a new ten-month military service program starting in the summer of 2026. The government hopes to mobilize 3,000 people in the first year and 50,000 by 2035. According to Christian Renoux, representative of the International Reconciliation Association, this new voluntary military service would replace the Universal National Service (SNU), created by Macron in 2017, which provided for a period of civilian or military training. However, the project was a failure and extremely costly.

“According to a survey, 80% of respondents supported the new voluntary service, and 64% even supported the reintroduction of compulsory military service. But we have to take into account the age composition of the respondents. I don’t think young people are very interested; in fact, it’s difficult to recruit them,” Renoux said.

The debate on conscription is also raging in Italy. Defense Minister Guido Crosetto wants to establish voluntary military service, but the project is not yet final and would need the support of Parliament. Meanwhile, the “Nonviolent Action” movement has already sent 7,471 letters from citizens to the Council of Ministers and President Mattarella, stating that they are unwilling to “take up arms.”

The situation in the European Union

As security and defense remain a national rather than an EU competence, recent debates and measures in Germany, France, and Italy illustrate how individual EU member states are reevaluating their military manpower models amid a broader revival of the defense agenda. This refocusing is driven not only by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, but also by growing concerns about the future reliability of transatlantic security guarantees under the Trump administration, writes EUNews.

Although all EU countries rely primarily on professional armed forces, about one-third of member states currently maintain some form of peacetime conscription, with a wide variety of service lengths, pay scales, and reserve structures.

Austria, Cyprus, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Latvia, Lithuania, and Sweden all operate compulsory or semi-compulsory systems.

At the same time, as we wrote about earlier, Croatia has decided to reinstate compulsory military service, while Germany is introducing a new voluntary military service system. In both cases, participation is initially limited to men and began earlier this year.

Three models: compulsory, lottery-based, and selective conscription

Conscription systems in the EU can be broadly classified into three models. Compulsory service, which is in place in Austria, Cyprus, Estonia, Finland, and Greece, requires all eligible citizens to serve, usually through a multi-year call-up cycle.

Conscription based on lottery, which is used in Denmark, Latvia, and Lithuania, relies on random selection to determine who must serve, alongside a significant number of volunteers.

Selective compulsory service, as practiced in Sweden, recruits individuals based on criteria such as motivation, aptitude, educational background, and interest in military service.

Conscription is also compulsory for women

There is no large army in Europe where conscription is automatically compulsory for all women. Currently, only Norway, Sweden, and Denmark apply conscription to both men and women, reflecting evolving gender norms in defense policy. Here, the system is based on motivation, ability, and aptitude, and only a small proportion of those called up are women. The aim is not to increase numbers, but to ensure high-quality recruitment.

Looking a little further afield, Israel is the world’s most striking example of compulsory military service for women. Military service is compulsory for both women and men in the country: women serve for 24 months and men for 32 months, and women can also participate in combat units. The Israeli model is not primarily a question of equality, but a strategic necessity. This small country, which lives under constant security threats, involves broad sections of society in national defense, which is why military service for women has become a social norm. At the same time, there are religious, health, and family exemptions, and women’s service is not the same as men’s in all positions.

Length of service

The length of service also varies considerably: Austria, Cyprus, Latvia, and Lithuania set fixed periods, while other countries apply more flexible regulations. In Finland, for example, conscripts trained for the most demanding or specialized roles can serve for up to 347 days.

European law on conscientious objection

In a landmark 2011 ruling, the European Court of Human Rights stated that resistance to military service, when rooted in a serious and insurmountable conflict with an individual’s conscience or deeply held convictions, falls within the scope of Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

All EU Member States with active conscription systems recognize conscientious objection in their national law and provide alternative service options, usually in a civilian or unarmed form. Although the duration of such service is often intended to be proportional to military service, the European Office for Conscientious Objection notes significant differences, raising concerns about equal treatment in the exercise of this right.

Serbia: Compulsory military service returns

Among the latest news is that Hungary’s southern neighbor, Serbia, will reintroduce compulsory military service from December 2025 or March 2026. The registration of conscripts will begin in the fall, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić announced after a presentation on the capabilities of the army.

According to the plans, 75 days of compulsory military service would be introduced for men, while women could volunteer for training. The Serbian head of state emphasized that Belgrade is not seeking provocation, but considers it necessary to maintain and strengthen its deterrent capability.

According to Vucic, military alliances are forming against Serbia in the region, and it is therefore necessary to act responsibly. The country’s air defense and air force have been dramatically strengthened in recent times, and similar developments are needed in other areas. Serbia spends about 2.65 percent of its gross domestic product on defense and security, more than half of which is investment.

Two years ago, the Serbian army’s general staff initiated the reinstatement of compulsory military service, which had been abolished in 2010. The military leadership decided that in order to increase defense capabilities, it was necessary to replenish and rejuvenate the active and reserve forces, and that this could be achieved most effectively by reintroducing compulsory military service.

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The history of compulsory military service in Hungary

The history of compulsory military service in Hungary is closely intertwined with the country’s modern history. The institution of compulsory military service was established during the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, when both parts of the dualist state maintained their own armies. Act XL of 1868 introduced the Hungarian army system, which later operated alongside the joint army.

After World War I, the Treaty of Trianon severely restricted Hungary’s military power. Under the terms of the peace treaty, the Hungarian army could have a maximum of 35,000 troops, and conscription was not permitted. The country could only maintain an army of professional soldiers recruited on a voluntary basis. This strict restriction remained in force until the outbreak of World War II.

During World War II, Hungary reintroduced conscription and significantly increased the size of its army. At the end of the war, the country came under Soviet occupation, which fundamentally changed its military structure. After 1945, the Hungarian People’s Army was modeled on the Soviet army, and conscription became a mandatory part of the socialist system.

During the socialist period, the duration of military service was generally 24 months, although this changed over time. Refusal to serve had serious consequences, and conscientious objection was practically non-existent. Those who refused military service could expect to be imprisoned. This strict system remained in place until the change of regime and was one of the most important symbols of Soviet influence in Hungary.

After the change of regime, significant changes took place in 1990. The length of service was gradually reduced, and from 1989 it became possible to perform civilian service on grounds of conscience.

On November 5, 2004, Hungary finally abolished conscription and switched to a fully professional armed forces. Since then, the question of reinstating conscription has arisen from time to time, especially in the wake of changes in the regional security situation, but so far this has not happened.

In the last years of conscription, the Hungarian Armed Forces had a strength of approximately 65,000–70,000 personnel, but with the abolition of compulsory military service and the transition to a professional army, the number of personnel fell to between 25,000 and 30,000, while the level of training and technical equipment within the armed forces gradually improved. Currently, the legally defined peacetime strength of the Hungarian Armed Forces is 37,650, according to Oeconomus.

At present, the government is pursuing a dual communication strategy, promoting the armed forces and voluntary enlistment for civilians, with the possibility of becoming a contract border guard, while on the other hand waging a serious political campaign against compulsory conscription and envisioning war on the main communication channels if their opponents come to power.

There are also strong voices on this issue in Slovakia:

Orbán’s ‘territorial claims’ spur Slovak minister’s mandatory military training plan

FAQ – Conscription in Europe and the region